Tense and Aspect in Ọ̀wọ́rọ̀: A Yorùbá Dialect

 

Tense and Aspect in Ọ̀wọ́rọ̀: A Yorùbá Dialect 

O.O. Oyelaran

Credit: Prof L. O. Adewole

Yoruba for academic purpose

 

1.         INTRODUCTION[1]

            Ọ̀wọ́rọ̀ is a dialect of Yorùbá spoken in the Kogi Local Government Council area of Kware State with Lọkọja as its headquarters. Lokoja is the town at the confluence of River Niger and Beune in Nigeria, Ọ̀wọ́rọ̀ now appears to be restricted to an enclave to the North-West of Lọkọja and along the right (Southern) bank of the River Niger. In July 1976, there were 11, 912 speakers of Ọ̀wọ́rọ̀ by a census then completed by the Local Government Council.

            Interestingly enough, this dialect is one of the twelve dialects of the dialect cluster now referred to as Yoruba for which Koelle (1854) had informants in Freetown. Sierra Leone. Given the records of the military ravages of the Ọ̀wọ́rọ̀ territories by the Nupe up to the last quarter of the 19th century, and the push from their southern neighbours, one might surmise that Ọ̀wọ́rọ̀, at some point in time, must have occupied a much larger territory.

           

. 2.       Data for Ọ̀wọ́rọ̀

 

(1)        (i)         àgbẹ̀ kúù yà  }

                        àgbẹ̀ kú màà yà                       ‘I am farmer’

                        Sàìbù íyàá jẹ iṣu                      ‘Saibu is eating yams’

                        Ikúsemóro í yàá jẹ iṣu             ‘Ikusemoro is eating yams’

                        Sàibù í yàá jẹ iṣu gboro           ‘Saibu is eating yams now.

                        màá jẹ iṣu gbóró                      ‘I am eating yams now’.

 

(ii)                    máà á ṣàgbẹ̀ kọ́)

                        máà yaa ṣagbẹ̀                         ‘I am not a farmer’

                        Sàibù áà jẹ iṣu

                        Sàibù áà yaa jẹ iṣu                   ‘Saibu is not eating yams’.

                        Ikúsemóro áà jẹ iṣu                 ‘Ikusemoro is not eating yams’.

                        Ikúsemóro áà yaa jẹ iṣu           ‘Ikusemoro is not in the processof eating yams’.

 

                        máà jẹ iṣu                                ‘I am not eating yams’.

                        mé fẹ iṣu                                  ‘I am not going to eat yams’.

                        máà yaa jẹ iṣu                          ‘I am not in the process of eating yams’.

 

(2)(i)                àgbẹ̀ ku maà yà nési                ‘I was a farmer last year’

                        Sàibù í yàá jẹ iṣu néhọ́ í mo de ‘Saibu was eating yams when I came’

                        màá je isu nana néhọ yó de     ‘I was eating yams yesterday when he

                                                                        came’.

 

(ii)        máà ṣàgbẹ̀ nési                        ‘I was not a farmer last year’

Sàibù áà yaa jẹ iṣu                   ‘Saibu was not eating yams when

                        néhọ yọ́ọ de                            you came.’

                        máà yaa jẹ iṣu néhọ́                 ‘I was not eating yams when you      

                        yọ́ọ de                                                 came’.

 

(3)(i)                màá hẹn ṣàgbẹ̀                         ‘I will be a farmer’

                        Sàibù í hẹn jẹ iṣu nọ́la             ‘Saibu will eat yams tomorrow’.

                        màá hẹn jẹ iṣu/nn hẹn             ‘I shall eat yams’.

                        jẹ iṣu

            (ii)        máà hẹn ṣàgbẹ̀                         ‘I shall not be a farmer’

                        Sàibu áà hẹn jẹ iṣu                   ‘Saibu will not eat yams’.

                        máà hẹn jẹ iṣu                          ‘I shall not eat yams’.

                       

(4)(i)                ‘Sàíbù í jẹ iṣu                           ‘Saíbu eats yams everyday’.

                        nójoojúmá                              

                        Ikúsemóro í jẹ iṣu                    ‘Ikusemoro eats yams everyday’.

                        nójoojúmá

                        mà jẹ iṣu nójoojúmá                ‘I eat yams everyday’.

            (ii)        Sàíbù áàá jẹ iṣu                        “Saibu does not eat yams

                        nójoojúmá                               everyday’.

                        Ikúsemóro áàá jẹ iṣu                ‘Ikusemoro does not eat yams

                        Nójoojúmá                              everyday’.

(5)(i)                mòó nyóko                              ‘I went to the farm’.

                        Sàibù ó nyóko náná                 ‘Saibu went to the farm yesterday’.

                        Sàìbù ó jẹ iṣu náná                  ‘Saibu ate yams yesterday’.

            (ii)        máà nyú                                   ‘I did not go’.

                        Sàbù áà jẹ iṣu náná                  ‘Saibu did not eat yams yesterday’.

 

(6)(i)                àgbẹ̀ ku mà se                          ‘I have heve been a farmer before’.

                        nigbàngbà

                        Sàibù ó míṣu tibẹ jẹ                 ‘Saibu has eaten the yams’.

                        Sàibù ó kóòko                         ‘Saibu has gone to the farm’.

(ii)                    Sàibù áà hì nyóko}                  ‘Saibu has not gone to the farm’.

                        Sàibu aa hi jẹ iṣu

(7)(i)                ǹń hẹn míṣu je ko tíde             ‘I shall have eaten yams before

                        màá hẹn míṣu je ko tídé          you come’.

                        Sàibù í hẹn mísu je to              ‘Saibu shall have finished eating

                        kuu tí dé                                  before I come’.

(ii)                    máà hẹn ì jẹ iṣu nẹhọ               ‘I  shall not have eaten when you come’.

yọ́ọ de

Sàibù áà hẹn ì jẹ iṣu                 ‘Saibu will not have eaten when you come.

neho yọ́ọ dé

 

(8)                    mà yáá jẹ iṣu nẹ́họ yọ́ọ de       ‘I had been eating when you came’.

 

3.         The Analysis

            In (1) to (7), the sentences in (i) are positive while those in (ii) are negative. We did not record the negative forms for (8).

            On the basis of the foregoing, one may suggest the following as tense aspect markers for Ọ̀wọ́rọ̀:

 

(9)        Positive                                    Negative

            (i)  yàá                                     áà (yaa)

            (ii) (Ó)                                     áà

            (iii) í                                         áàá

            (iv) hẹn                                    áà hẹn

            (v) mí (plus a peculiar              áà hẹn

            word order: mí + bj +vb)

 

            Apparent use:

9.(i)      continuous and future

            (1, 2, 8)

(ii)        simple past (5)

(iii)       habitual (4)

(iv)       future (3)

(v)        accomplished (6).

 

Moreover, it is possible, as in (7), to combine (iv) and (v) to express what would be, conventionally referred to as future perfect, but which, as we shall see below, may be reinterpreted as marking contemplated accomplishment.

 

But consider the data in (10), (11), (12), and (13):

(10)(a)(i)          Sàibù Ó kóṣu bọ̀bọ̀ ngai yá ju mi

                        Saibu brings some yams for me

                       

            (ii)        Sàibù Ó kóṣu bọ̀bọ̀ ngai yá hu mi náná

                        Saibu brough some yams for me yesterday

           

            (iii)       Sàibù Ó mísu bọ̀bọ̀ ngai ya hu mi

                        Saibu has brought some yams for me.

 

            (iv)       Sàibù í hẹn kóṣu Bọ̀bọ̀ ngai yá hu mi

                        Saibu will bring me some yams.

 

            (b)(i)    Sàibu áà kóṣu yá hu mi

                        Saibu  does not bring me yams

            (ii)        Sàibu áà kóṣu bọ̀bọ̀ ngai yá hu mi

                        Saibu did not bring me any yams.

            (iii)       Sàibù áà hì kóṣu bọ̀bọ̀  ngai ya hu mi

                        Saibu has not brought me any yams.

            (iv)       Sàibù áà hen kóṣu bọ̀bọ̀ ngaiyá hu mi

                        Saibu will not bring any yams for me.

 

(11)(i)              Sàibù Ó lulẹ̀

                        Saibu falls down.

 

(ii)                    Sàibù Ó lulẹ̀ náná

                        Saibu fell down yesterday.

(iii)                   Sàibù Ó ń lulẹ̀

                        Saibu has fallen down.

(iv)                   Sàibu í yàá lulẹ̀

                        Saibu is falling down.            

(v)                    Saibù í hẹn lulẹ̀

Saibu  will fall down

(12)      (i)         màá hẹ́ nyú                  ‘I wish to go’

                        mòó hẹ́ nyü                 ‘I wished to go’

                        máà hẹ́ nyu                  ‘I do not wish to go’

                        máà hẹ́ nyu náná         ‘I did not wish to go yesterday’.

            (ii)        wàá hẹ́ nyu                  ‘You wish to go’.

                        Ọ̀ Ó hẹ́ nyu                 ‘You wished to go’

                        wáà hẹ́ nyu                  ‘You do not wish to go’

                        wáà hẹ́ nyu                  ‘You did not wish to go’

            (iii)       í àá hẹ́ nyu                   ‘he wishes to go’

                        í àá hẹ́ nyu                   ‘he wished to go’

                        áà hẹ́ nyu                     ‘he did does ont wish to go’

                        áà hẹ́ nyu                     ‘he did not wish to go’

            (iv)       àyá hẹ́ nyu                   ‘we wish to go’

                        àyá hẹ́ nyu                   ‘we wished to go’

                        àyáà hẹ́ nyu                 ‘we do not wish to go’

                        àyáà hẹ́ nyu                 ‘we had wanted to go’.

            (v)        ànga yàá hẹ́ nyu          ‘you (pl.) wish to go’.

                        àngã a hẹ́ nyu              ‘you wished to go’.

                        angã a hẹ́ nyú              ‘you do not wish to go’.

                        ànga à hẹ́ nyú              ‘you did not wish to do

                        angã à hẹ́ nyú              ‘you do not wish to do’

                        àngã à hẹ́ nyú              ‘you did not wish to go’.

(12)(i)              àngã hẹ́ nyú                 ‘they wish to go’

                        àngã à hẹ́ nyú

                        àngã à hẹ́ nyú              ‘they wished to go’

                        àngã à hẹ́ nyú              ‘they do not wish to go’.

                        àngã à hẹ́ nyú              ‘they did not wish to go’.

 

(13)(i)              I want you to go with

                        me:

                                                            (1) màá hẹ́ kọ bámi kóò

                                                            (2) màá hẹ́ kọ bámi nyú

                                                            (3) mọ̀ọ́ hẹ́ kọ bámi nyú

                                                            (concrete – the going is very necessary.)

            (ii)        I wanted you to go

                        with me:                      (1) màá hẹ́ kọ bámi nyü

            (2) màá hẹ́ kọ bámi kóò

 

            (iii)       I had wanted you to go           mòó hẹ́ kọ bámi kóò

                        with me:

 

            (b)(i)    I do not want you to go with me:

 

            (ii)        I did not want you to go with me:

           

            (iii)       I had not wanted you to go with me:

                        máà hẹ́ kọ bámi kóò.

 

4.         Observations

            From (1) to (8), we notice at least that the so-called distinction between continuous and simple past is often neutralized in the negative construction, except, of course, when the speaker wishes to emphasize that the action in question has actually ceased to continue without its having been accomplished.

There is also no formal distinction between the non-accomplished in the present and in the past. As is suggested by (13), other considerations than temporal ones determine the use and interpretation of forms with mòó and ọ̀ọ́ of (9ii).

In any case, these two forms do not always connote the specific time of event in contradistinction to the moment of speech. This surmise is supported by much of the data presented above. And the question must needs be answered as to why the simple past morpheme, if so it be, is neutralised after the first and second person singular as in (12).

Notice that (9ii) which one could have accepted as simple past or the unmarked form is realized again before mi of (9v) as in:

 

(14)(i)  mòó sọ o – I watched him

(ii)        mòó mi isọ - I have watched him.

 

5.         Conclusion

            If tense as a grammatical category is meaningful where a language has grammatical morphemes which in usage distinguish between the moment of speech and the various moments of event recognized in that language, then tense can hardly be said to have a systematic formal expression in Ọ̀wọ́rọ̀.

            It appears correct, given the data above, to suggest that the degree or stages of realization of an event rather that the moment of the event in relation to the moment of speech has grammatical realization in Ọ̀wọ́rọ̀. The markers in (9) could then be assigned the following primary usages:

(i) form in (9ii) serves for mentioning an event without regard to its stage or moment of realization. Interpretation depends therefore largely on context. This incidentally is why sentences like

            ‘I love roast-corn’ is normally best rendered in any one of the following constructions in Ọ̀wọ́rọ̀:

 

(15)      mòó hẹ́ra ìgbàdo yí à hü

            I love/like corn which one roast

(16)      mòó hẹ́ra èhu ìgbàdo

            I love roasted corn

(17)      ìgbàdo yí à hü, Ó wù mí

            corn which one roasts, it appeals to me.

(ii)        Yàá in (9i) indicates an event in process or a state which endures.

(iii)       í in (9ii) may connote re-iteration rather than duration. For example:

            (18)  mà rí wọ nójoojúmá       

            ‘I (re-iteration) see you every day’.

                        See also (4) above.

 

(iv) Hẹn in (9iv) refers to an event which is contemplated, sort of hypothetical, an unrealized state or event. It is easy therefore to see why this marker can very easily be assigned the semantic content with a temporal connotation, namely, future.

            In the case of the Ọ̀wọ́rọ̀ dialect, a system which assigns hẹn a future meaning is not plausible, as it would be suggesting that there exists only one tense in the dialect, defining the other one only negatively.

 

(v)        The construction mí + obj + verb of (9v) (see 19):

            (19) mòó mi i se

                        ‘I have it do’

                        i.e. ‘I have done it

            refers only to accomplished events. This means that the construction cannot apply to non-transitive verbs, as it indeed does not. See (11ii), (13aiii), and (13biii).

 

            In short, Ọ̀wọ́rọ̀ has an aspectual system rather than a tense system. That explains why both the unmarked construction and the yaa construction are neutralizable in the negative and why the hypothetical hen and the mi constructions combine meaningfully in the dialect. It seems to us that unless one has recourse to periphrastic devices, any attempt to consider one event from the point of view of the two non-relative moments can only result in syntactic curioso, which the Ọ̀wọ́rọ̀ sentence in (20) is not.

(20) màá hẹn míṣu tibẹ̀ jẹ kọ tídé

‘I shall have eaten the yams before you arrive.

 

Bibliography

Koelle, S.W. (1854), Polyglotta Africana. London: CMS. Reprinted with an Historical Introduction by P. E. H. Hair. Akademische Druck-und Verlagsanstalt, for Fourah Bay College, Freetown, 1964.

 

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[1] This paper was published as Oyelaran, O.O. (1992), ‘Tense/Aspect in Ọ̀wọ́rọ̀: A Yorùbá Dialect’, Research in Yorùbá Language and Literature, No. 2.